In this series of texts, I am writing about my research regarding the contemporary debate when it comes to the neo-functionalism regional integration theory.
In his study of the neo-functionalism’s
applicability, Lee has analysed the competition policy, which is an example of
supranational governance over the economy. He argues that Haas interpretation of
regional integration process and EU:s development still holds analytical purchase,
where neo-functionalism is a mid-range theory that applies to the
dynamics and development of individual policy sectors and sectorial integration
process. With its original focus and core around economic aspects, the neo-functionalism
is based on two inter-related claims and predictive views. Firstly, that
integration occurs when organised economic interests pressure governments to
manage economic interdependence resulting in centralisation of policies and the creation of common institutions. Secondly, that any initial decisions to
integrate the polity results in both economic and political spill-overs which
push regional integration forward. Already starting with ECSC thus at a more
limited degree, the decision-making process was later developed into the
aspects relating to promoting competitive market structures, breaking up
anti-competitive behaviour such as market-rigging, price-fixing cartels and
abusive monopolies. This institutional process were performed by supranational
governance. The Commission was selected by the national governments of EEC (European
Economic Community) as the principal competition agent with exclusive powers of
investigation into suspected violations of the competition rules.
Furthermore, the focus on the supranational
development meant that the neo-functionalistic studies shifted the
investigative attention from the national executives and the decision-making
process. The focus was shifted to the aspects identified as institutions, technocratic
elites, interest groups and politicians operating at supranational level. The
original assumption of neo-functionalism was based on that these actors pursued
their own interests and by doing so they provided the dynamics for further
integration, including the argument that change of loyalties and political
transformation was part of the regional integration process. The existence of
such supranational activity was, as mentioned earlier, understood to unleash a
self-reinforcing dynamic labelled as spill-over that culminated in further and “deeper.”
integration. In the case of competition policy, it is an early example where
national governments had established supranational process with its own
personnel like administrators, experts and lawyers whose decisions came to
influence and determine policy approaches at both national and EU-levels of
governance.
Within the competition policy, the
development of DG Competition throughout the 1960s and 1970s was a process of
slow accumulation of experience and development of norms and values that have
been spread within the Commission. It resulted in aspects such as the formation
of EU competition law (anti-trust) with inspiration from the USA. Another
example, during the time of SEA implementation process, was the institutional determination
and interest of the Commission to push the notion of competition into the more
“sensitive areas” for the states such as market liberalisation of public
utility. There were also examples regarding the imposition of ever-higher
financial levies for infringing the competition rules or encouraging whistleblowers to inform the Commission about cartel activity. These actions were
performed with “limited resources” (for example, in 1990 DG Competition had a
staff of only around 400 individuals). As Lee pointed out this process, being an example for the notion of the political spill-over is particularly applicable,
as the supranational officials became informal political entrepreneurs, also
resulting in member state governments to delegating further powers to the
supranational level.
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